The U.S. Constitution grants Congress the power to declare war (Article I, Section 8), but presidents, as Commanders-in-Chief (Article II), have often initiated military actions, including bombings, without explicit congressional approval. The War Powers Resolution of 1973 aims to limit such actions by requiring notification to Congress within 48 hours and withdrawal of forces after 60 days without congressional authorization, but presidents have frequently bypassed or interpreted this flexibly, citing national security, existing Authorizations for Use of Military Force (AUMFs), or their Article II powers. Below is a list of U.S. presidents since World War II who have ordered bombings without explicit congressional approval for specific actions, based on historical examples and the provided context.
Presidents and Instances of Bombings Without Congressional Approval
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Harry S. Truman (1945–1953)
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Korea (1950–1953): Truman authorized bombing campaigns during the Korean War under UN Security Council resolutions, bypassing a formal congressional declaration of war. Critics argue this set a precedent for unilateral executive action.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953–1961)
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Guatemala (1954): Eisenhower ordered CIA-led airstrikes to support a coup against the Guatemalan government. No specific congressional approval was sought for these covert operations.
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John F. Kennedy (1961–1963)
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Cuba (1961): Kennedy authorized the Bay of Pigs invasion, which included airstrikes, without explicit congressional approval.
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Vietnam (early 1960s): Limited bombing operations began under Kennedy’s escalation in Vietnam, relying on executive authority rather than specific congressional authorization.
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Lyndon B. Johnson (1963–1969)
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Vietnam (1964–1969): Johnson expanded bombing campaigns (e.g., Operation Rolling Thunder) based on the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution (1964), a broad authorization critics argue did not constitute specific approval for the scale of operations.
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Richard Nixon (1969–1974)
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Cambodia (1969–1970): Nixon ordered secret bombings of Cambodia (Operation Menu) without notifying Congress, later revealed by leaks, prompting significant backlash and contributing to the War Powers Resolution.
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Vietnam and Laos: Expanded bombing campaigns relied on existing authorizations or executive authority, often without specific congressional approval.
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Gerald R. Ford (1974–1977)
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Cambodia (1975): Ford ordered airstrikes during the Mayaguez incident, citing the need to rescue U.S. personnel. This was reported to Congress under the War Powers Resolution but lacked prior approval.
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Jimmy Carter (1977–1981)
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Limited evidence exists of Carter ordering significant bombing campaigns without approval. Some sources suggest he avoided large-scale airstrikes, but small-scale operations may have occurred under executive authority.
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Ronald Reagan (1981–1989)
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Libya (1986): Reagan ordered airstrikes on Libya (Operation El Dorado Canyon) in response to terrorist attacks, citing self-defense under Article II powers, without seeking congressional approval.
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Lebanon and Grenada (1983): Air support was used in both interventions without specific congressional authorization.
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George H.W. Bush (1989–1993)
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Panama (1989): Bush ordered Operation Just Cause, including airstrikes, without specific congressional approval, citing protection of U.S. citizens and interests.
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Iraq (1991): While Congress authorized the Gulf War, some initial airstrikes and deployments were justified by Bush under executive authority before the resolution was passed.
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Bill Clinton (1993–2001)
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Somalia (1993): Airstrikes supported U.S. operations without specific congressional approval.
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Bosnia (1993–1995): Clinton ordered airstrikes as part of NATO operations without explicit congressional authorization.
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Kosovo (1999): Clinton authorized NATO-led airstrikes in Serbia/Kosovo, continuing beyond the War Powers Resolution’s 60-day limit, arguing implicit congressional approval through funding. Critics challenged this as unconstitutional.
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Iraq (1998): Operation Desert Fox involved airstrikes without specific congressional approval, relying on prior AUMFs.
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Sudan and Afghanistan (1998): Airstrikes on al-Qaeda targets followed embassy bombings, justified under executive authority.
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George W. Bush (2001–2009)
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Afghanistan (2001): Airstrikes followed the 9/11 attacks under the 2001 AUMF, which broadly authorized force against al-Qaeda but was not specific to all targets bombed.
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Iraq (2003): While Congress passed the 2002 AUMF, some argue the extensive bombing campaign exceeded the scope without further specific approval.
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Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia: Drone strikes and airstrikes targeted terrorists, often without specific congressional authorization, relying on the 2001 AUMF.
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Barack Obama (2009–2017)
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Libya (2011): Obama ordered airstrikes as part of a NATO campaign without congressional approval, arguing the actions didn’t constitute “hostilities” under the War Powers Resolution. This was highly controversial.
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Syria (2014–2017): Airstrikes against ISIS relied on the 2001 and 2002 AUMFs, despite debate over their applicability, without new congressional approval.
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Iraq (2014–2017): Renewed airstrikes against ISIS used existing AUMFs.
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Yemen, Somalia, Pakistan: Extensive drone strikes targeted militants, justified under executive authority and the 2001 AUMF, with no specific congressional approval. In 2016, the U.S. dropped 26,171 bombs, mostly in Syria and Iraq.
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Afghanistan: Continued airstrikes, with a 40% increase in 2016, relied on prior authorizations.
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Donald J. Trump (2017–2021, 2025–present)
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Syria (2017): Trump ordered missile strikes in response to chemical attacks, citing Article II powers and the 2002 AUMF, without specific congressional approval.
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Yemen (2017–2025): Airstrikes against Houthi targets, including in 2025, were conducted without congressional authorization, prompting bipartisan criticism.
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Iran (2020, 2025): The 2020 drone strike killing Qassem Soleimani and the 2025 airstrikes on Iranian nuclear facilities (Fordow, Natanz, Isfahan) were ordered without congressional approval, justified as defensive actions under Article II. These actions sparked significant debate, with some lawmakers calling them unconstitutional.
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Afghanistan, Somalia, Iraq: Continued drone strikes and airstrikes relied on existing AUMFs.
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Joe Biden (2021–2025)
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Syria (2021): Biden ordered airstrikes on Iranian-backed militias without specific congressional approval, citing self-defense and existing AUMFs.
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Yemen (2024): Airstrikes on Houthi targets in response to Red Sea attacks lacked specific congressional authorization, drawing criticism from lawmakers.
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Afghanistan, Somalia: Limited airstrikes continued under prior AUMFs.
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– Grok
Should a president refrain from bombing a country until Congress approves a “declaration of war?”
Alexander Hamilton:
Been here, done that.
In this case, Iran had been at war with the US for a long time.
Recently they upped their war against the US with threats of imminent attacks under certain circumstances.Congress, including Reps like AOC and Ilan Omar, are simply ignorant of US founding and history.
How recently did Iran make such threats? And since when do threats substitute for attacks as grounds for declaring war (meaning, taking military action)?
Who’s ignorant of US history? Iran has never been at war with the US. The US supported Iraq against Iran in the 1980s, along with many other countries, but there was never a direct war between the two nations. https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/a-historical-timeline-of-u-s-relations-with-iran
You’re asking the wrong question. This isn’t about some formal “declaration of war”, it’s about active threats, proxy attacks, and nuclear escalation. Iran doesn’t need to wave a flag and declare war when they’ve been funding Hezbollah, arming the Houthis, supplying militias that have killed hundreds of Americans, and now racing toward nuclear weapons.
As for “Iran has never been at war with the U.S.”, tell that to the families of the 241 Marines murdered in Beirut by an Iranian proxy. Or the troops maimed by Iranian-made EFPs in Iraq. Or the Americans held hostage in 1979. Or the U.S. contractors killed in Syria. This isn’t some textbook-war scenario — it’s death by a thousand deniable cuts.
Pretending Iran is just minding its own business while the U.S. overreacts is a lazy fantasy. They’ve been at war with us for decades, just not on terms that fit neatly into a PBS timeline.
Their IED’s killed or maimed 1500 American soldiers in Iraq. That’s war by anyone’s definition.
Trump never should have ditched the Iran deal that Obama made. For 2 years, inspectors confirmed Iran stopped enriching uranium altogether. They resumed as soon as Trump broke the deal, and ever since they’ve been increasing the amounts every year. Now Trump is scrambling to find some way to reach a deal again. The idiot.
Ah yes, the Iran Deal, the diplomatic equivalent of duct-taping a smoke alarm and calling it fire prevention.
Inspectors “confirmed” Iran’s compliance only within the narrow confines of what they were allowed to see, and that list excluded military sites. Meanwhile, Iran was raking in billions in sanctions relief and funneling it straight to Hezbollah, the Houthis, and every other death cult with a flag. The deal didn’t stop their terror empire, it bankrolled it.
Trump didn’t “break” the deal. He pulled out of a suicidal agreement that guaranteed a nuclear Iran with a countdown timer. The sunset clauses meant they could go full enrichment legally after a few years, we just agreed to delay the inevitable and pay them for the courtesy.
Now they’re scrambling? No, they’re cornered. Trump hit the infrastructure that actually matters. No pallets of cash. No slow-walk diplomacy while centrifuges spin. Just hard consequences for a regime that’s been playing the West like fools since 1979.
Call that idiocy if you want, but it’s a hell of a lot smarter than pretending appeasement was ever going to work.
“The Bureau for Investigative Journalism estimated that Obama had overseen ten times more airstrikes than President George W. Bush. According to Forbes and Foreign Policy, Trump reached similar levels of bombardment to Obama against Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria during his tenure in office.”
Cool stat, but irrelevant to the point. You’re listing body counts like it proves some kind of moral consistency test, as if quantity of airstrikes is the issue, not purpose.
Obama’s drone war vaporized wedding parties in Pakistan with zero Congressional input and no strategic clarity. Trump focused strikes on ISIS and terror infrastructure. Big difference. And now? We’re talking about Iran’s nuclear weapons program, not a dusty outpost in Helmand.
Also, let’s not gloss over the fact that Obama bombed seven countries without a formal declaration of war, including Libya, which he turned into a failed state and slave market. No impeachment talk then. Funny how the rules change when it’s Trump taking out nuclear sites instead of creating power vacuums for jihadists.
So if you’re going to play the airstrike scoreboard game, at least be honest about what got bombed, and why.
This article was much needed. Alot of those screeching about their displeasure of the latest ops ordered by Trump should read it. ⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐
The issue of Congressional authorization is decidedly not the most important aspect of the Iran bombings. It’s simply being exploited as a convenient distraction by Democrats to avoid directly addressing the question of whether engaging Iran in war was and is justified militarily. There is no doubt that had Trump asked for Congressional backing he would’ve gotten it, given the Republican majority in both houses – not to mention the number of Democrats who rely on pro-Israel campaign donations.
So we agree that the outrage over Congressional authorization is fake — good start. But your second point undercuts your own argument. If Trump would’ve had the votes, then what exactly is the problem? You’re admitting this wasn’t some rogue, unpopular move, just a fast, decisive one.
And spare me the bit about “engaging Iran in war.” Bombing hardened nuclear bunkers isn’t “war”, it’s strategic deterrence. You don’t wait for a mushroom cloud over Tel Aviv or a Hezbollah suitcase bomb in Manhattan to decide it’s time to act. Iran made themselves a target by playing nuclear chicken while funding terror worldwide. They dared Trump to call their bluff, and he did.
You want to debate whether it was militarily justified? Fine. Here’s the reality: We struck their most dangerous program before it could turn into a regional, or global, catastrophe. That’s not war-mongering. That’s preemptive sanity.
Right!
He knew “Bush Republicans” would vote aginst!
NOT SO!
GOP had significant majority in mid 80’s. Liberal Dole blocked Ronny on many, many importnt things!
Here’re only few:
DEFUND UN
KILL ED DEPT
DEFUND NPR
CLEN HOUSE aT CIA
If you need more things liberal Dole stymied ASK
There are still some “Bush Republicans” inCongress!
!
Naming timely name LISA M!
Lisa has been “outspoken” AGAINST Don’s actions!
We still ay auntie nd Congress would NOT have given Don approval!
THEY WIL NOT!
“There are none so blind as they who will not see!”!
They are ignorantbecausetheywqnt to be!
The 60-day limit extends to 90 days with the provision of a 30-day withdrawal period.
“The War Powers Resolution requires the president to notify Congress within 48 hours of committing armed forces to military action and forbids armed forces from remaining for more than 60 days, with a further 30-day withdrawal period, without congressional authorization for use of military force (AUMF) or a declaration of war by the United States.”
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_Powers_Resolution
NOTE: in the 18th century, the phrase “declare war” was generally understood to mean to take military action against, as well as announce a state of war with another nation. The distinction between the two that arose later on has clouded the issue, unfortunately.
You’re quoting the War Powers Resolution like it helps your case, but it actually wrecks it. Trump has 48 hours to notify Congress, and up to 90 days total before needing formal authorization. We’re well within that window. So unless you’re trying to preemptively impeach him for following the law too quickly, there’s no violation here.
Also, dragging in 18th-century semantics about “declaring war” is a cute academic trick, but nobody seriously thinks every precision strike now constitutes a full-scale war. By that logic, every drone hit from Obama to Biden was an undeclared war crime. Are you ready to go there? Didn’t think so.
Bottom line: Congress did authorize force, in the 2001 AUMF, which still applies to state sponsors of terror. Iran checks that box. Trump acted decisively within both the letter of the War Powers Resolution and the spirit of national self-defense. The hand-wringing is performative.