Appeals Court Declares Individual Mandate Unconstitutional

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The 11th Circuit has struck down the individual mandate of ObamaCare: [PDF]

We first conclude that the Act’s Medicaid expansion is constitutional. Existing Supreme Court precedent does not establish that Congress’s inducements are unconstitutionally coercive, especially when the federal government will bear nearly all the costs of the program’s amplified enrollments.

Next, the individual mandate was enacted as a regulatory penalty, not a revenue-raising tax, and cannot be sustained as an exercise of Congress’s power under the Taxing and Spending Clause. The mandate is denominated as a penalty in the Act itself, and the legislative history and relevant case law confirm this reading of its function.

Further, the individual mandate exceeds Congress’s enumerated commerce power and is unconstitutional. This economic mandate represents a wholly novel and potentially unbounded assertion of congressional authority: the ability to compel Americans to purchase an expensive health insurance product they have elected not to buy, and to make them re-purchase that insurance product every month for their entire lives. We have not found any generally applicable, judicially enforceable limiting principle that would permit us to uphold the mandate without obliterating the boundaries inherent in the system of enumerated congressional powers. “Uniqueness” is not a constitutional principle in any antecedent Supreme Court decision. The individual mandate also finds no refuge in the aggregation doctrine, for decisions to abstain from the purchase of a product or service, whatever their cumulative effect, lack a sufficient nexus to commerce. [fn omitted]

The individual mandate, however, can be severed from the remainder of the Act’s myriad reforms. The presumption of severability is rooted in notions of judicial restraint and respect for the separation of powers in our constitutional system. The Act’s other provisions remain legally operative after the mandate’s excision, and the high burden needed under Supreme Court precedent to rebut the presumption of severability has not been met.

This is the case that involves 26 States and it appears they affirmed the lower court in some parts but also stated the individual mandate can be cut out of the act.

On to the Supreme Court

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Who needs funding approval for the styrofaom temple OblameO

IMHO, there is a good chance that the Supreme Court will not bother to hear it and let the Appeals Court ruling stand. Rumor has it they are all a bit tired of the stuff Obama and his pets have been generating. If that happens I’ll go into a corner and go, “BAWHAHAHHAHAAHHA.”

It’s good to see that the majority of the justices on this Appeals Court, unlike the last one, actually read and understand the Constitution although the way the law was written it should have been struck down in its entirety.

Pity numb-nuts “Cry Baby” didn’t hold out on raising the debt-ceiling in return for the elimination of Obamacare!

But don’t worry, the mandate will be ruled uncon by the USSC, but that won’t stop this Admin, nor the Republican Congress from continuing the scam.

Decision says that severability is in effect even though it was not written into the bill. Which is to say, striking down one part of the bill does not negate the entire bill – even though it should. What on earth does that mean?

Non-severability was a major weakness in ObamaCare law.
In one way, it looks like the courts are ”fixing” that big problem for Obama, piece-by-piece.
What a shame!
They should have ruled that because one part was unconstitutional, it all had to go.
After all, non-severability.

Edited to add:
There’s a real gem in that PDF.

“What Congress cannot do under the Commerce Clause is mandate that individuals enter into contracts with private insurance companies for the purchase of an expensive product from the time they are born until the time they die.”

Ya think?

Without mandatory participation, people who pay for private insurance will continue to subsidize people who don’t. Healthcare providers simply shift losses from the uninsured to those who pay for insurance by raising their service fees; insurers then raise premium rates to cover the higher fees and to maintain their own profit margins. Taxpayer costs to provide care for the uninsured also increase as service fees rise. Together, taxpayers and people who pay for insurance wind up subsidizing both the uninsured and private insurance company profits.

A great system.

@another vet:

It’s good to see that the majority of the justices on this Appeals Court, unlike the last one, actually read and understand the Constitution…

Well, two out of three anyway. My jaw dropped when I read what Judge Stanley Marcus wrote in dissenting from the majority opinion:

The majority “has ignored the undeniable fact that Congress’ commerce power has grown exponentially over the past two centuries and is now generally accepted as having afforded Congress the authority to create rules regulating large areas of our national economy…

So if Congress usurps power that they were never granted in Article 1, Section 8, that’s just fine by Judge Marcus as long as it’s “generally accepted”. Accepted by whom? There’s no better definition of a “living constitution” than what Marcus just wrote.

Can anyone find his photo on the net?

Well, Greg, a little reducto ad absurdum regarding your utility argument: If everybody had to wear a mandatory GPS tracker that continuously broadcast location data to a central permanent repository, a lot of crimes that go unsolved now would be solved in the future. A lot of lost children would be found. Society would definitely benefit. Should we make everybody wear a mandatory GPS tracker?

Anyway – besides the groundbreaking unconstitutional nature of the mandate, there are the other intrinsically undesirable qualities of the gigantic, byzantine bill — it will cost far more than was claimed, it will inhibit economic growth, it will diminish the availiability of healthcare for most people in order to benefit a few, and a majority of the public did not want it when it was passed and does not want it now. It fixes nothing and grows the Federal government enormously.

@Wm T Sherman:
Watch out, Wm T Sherman, Greg might just say, ”Double Plus Good!”

LOL!

Michelle Obama is looking at that individual mandate and thinking in terms of limiting our food choices …..for our own good.
Breakfast #1 Oatmeal, 6 oz OJ, 6 oz Milk.
Breakfast #2 Cold Cereal, dehydrated fruit for cereal, 6 oz Milk.

Lunch #1 Tuna sandwich, Tomato Soup, 6 oz mixed fruit juice.
Lunch #2 Peanut butter & jam sandwich (Just jam if allergic!) Veggie soup, carrot sticks, Lemonade.

And so on.
Why let the rabble eat the Kobe Beef, the Swordfish steak, the Rainbow Trout, the saffron rice, the pate, the crab the lobster and so on?

PS, tonight I am actually having Kobe beef!

@John Cooper: He was appointed as a judge by Reagan and named to the Appeals Court by Clinton. It wasn’t long ago he was questioning its Constitutionality.

http://johnpaulus.com/blog/2011/06/08/federal-judges-question-health-care-constitutionality/

Here’s what I liked about the ruling:

“Excising the individual mandate from the act does not prevent the remaining provisions from being fully operative as a law,” Chief U.S. Circuit Judge Joel Dubina, a Republican appointee, and U.S. Circuit Judge Frank M. Hull, a Democratic appointee, wrote. Hull is the first judge appointed by a Democratic president to rule against the law. Dissenting in part, U.S. Circuit Judge Stanley Marcus, a Republican appointee, said he would have upheld the act in its entirety.

Read more:

Now, I don’t like the decision, and I hope that SCOTUS will find the law constitutional, but I loved the judiciary appearing to rule on their individual opinions of the relevant legal principles (i.e. honestly calling balls and strikes) and not having it be political. There was a Dem appointee who voted against the law and a GOP appointee who voted in favor of the law.

Regrettably, I think that SCOTUS is more political than are some of the appeals courts.

P.S. Here’s what Wikipedia says about Marcus:

A Republican, Marcus was nominated on June 20, 1985 by President Reagan to a newly created district judge seat at the United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida. He was confirmed by the U.S. Senate on July 16, 1985 and was sworn in on August 16, 1985, according to a September 26, 1997 article in the Fort Lauderdale Sun-Sentinel.

President Clinton nominated Marcus to the Eleventh Circuit on September 25, 1997, after a previous Clinton nominee for the seat, Charles “Bud” Stack, had withdrawn his name from consideration after his background was raised as an issue by Bob Dole during the 1996 presidential election.[3] Even though the U.S. Senate at that time was controlled by Republicans, Marcus’ nomination was considered to be very uncontroversial. The U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee unanimously voted in favor of Marcus’ nomination on November 6, 1997, and the full Senate unanimously confirmed him on November 7, 1997. “I’m deeply honored,” Marcus told the Miami Herald in a brief interview in an article that appeared on November 8, 1997.

– Larry Weisenthal/Huntington Beach, CA

@openid.aol.com/runnswim: If SCOTUS rules this to be Constitutional, it will grant Congress and the President the power to make us do whatever they want and essentially render the Constitution null and void. I think Curt was the one who summed it up in a nutshell, if the Commerce Clause was intended to give the pols in DC the right to do whatever they want, there was no purpose in writing the rest of the Constitution.

Before wishing to give our pols in DC that type of unrestricted power, remember that those powers will be given to all, which means if we have a Congress and a President who are as far to the right as this POTUS and the last Congress are/were to the left, they can force laws down our throat that you may oppose. All they have to do is cite the Commerce Clause and Obamacare as the precedent. I personally do not want to put that type of power in the hands of our politicians be they left wingers or right wingers.

Constitutionality was questionable from the very beginning – when evidence of critical elements of the plan became public. However, what is most telling here, is that Obama has been slapped with “unconstitutionality” by this appeals court – when the world had been convinced by his handlers and the MSM that he was a Constitution expert.

With this kind of expertise roaming the halls of universities, no wonder the quality of the more recent crops of graduates have been questionable. And the only thing this President supposedly knew anything about, well . . . . turns out . . . . maybe not so much. This just adds to the evidence that voters were sold a bag of air who can’t be too much bothered.

@another vet (#13):

You’ve got a point. Well stated.

I guess I look at it a little differently. This is not a case where failure to purchase insurance makes you wind up in prison. The individual has a choice. Either buy insurance or pay a fine. The fine is paid to the federal government. It is really the same thing as a tax, only the Dems didn’t want to call it a tax. But the situation is basically this, except for semantics. The Dems instituted a special tax to pay for health care for the uninsured. Individuals get a tax credit in the amount of the tax hike for purchasing insurance. If they don’t purchase insurance, they don’t get the tax credit.

It’s really just semantics. It’s got nothing to do with the government forcing anyone to buy anything. You could make the same argument about electric cars. If you buy an electric car, you get a tax credit. If you don’t buy an electric car, you don’t get the credit. According to Curt’s argument, the government is “forcing” people to buy electric cars. No, it isn’t. It’s simply making a tax break available to people who buy the electric car (or, in the case of corporations, exploring for oil). Congress does this sort of thing all the time. Picking winners and losers through the use of their power to tax and grant tax breaks.

The only difference with the health care “mandate” is semantics. The Dems could have said: “We are raising everyone’s taxes to pay for health care for the uninsured, but you can get a tax break in the amount of the tax increase if you purchase health insurance and are therefore not uninsured.”

It would be the exact same thing; exact same effect. The only difference is semantics.

– Larry Weisenthal/Huntington Beach, CA

@openid.aol.com/runnswimI just have a hard time giving anyone a blank check on anything especially when it comes to our Constitutional rights. Without getting into how I feel about abortion, what if it was decided that a woman had to pay a fine or tax of $20,000 in order to have an abortion but if she decides not to have an abortion, she’ll get a “tax break” and won’t have to pay the 20 grand. After all, if purchasing insurance is interstate commerce and abortion is covered in insurance those services then are “interstate commerce”. Or if we all had to buy a Chevy Volt and get a tax break or pay a fine or a tax if we didn’t. It’s interstate commerce as well. The individual mandate is a very slippery slope. Where does it end?

@another vet (#16):

You are giving an unreasonably extreme example.

Congress has very broad powers to compel citizens to do lots of things. Congress has the power to reinstitute the military draft, for example. There is nothing to stop Congress from bringing back the draft and making the term of service 20 years, rather than the previously customary 2 years. Congress could mandate that all motor vehicles sold in the USA must get 100 miles per gallon or must run on 100% ethanol or must have emergency parachutes, to deploy in the event of catastrophic brake failure. Congress could take away my house tomorrow, declaring eminent domain, and use my land for a marble monument to President George W Bush. All of this is perfectly Constitutional.

At a certain point, we simply have to rely on the system of checks, balances, freedom of the press, and the ballot box. They are, in the end, our best Constitutional protections against Congressional overreaching.

– Larry Weisenthal/Huntington Beach, CA

Without the mandate, the funding side of Obamacare falls apart. I also consider the fact that the Democrats locked the Republicans completely out of the discussion and creation of the bill should make it unconstitutional, as it disenfranchised those voters who were represented by Republicans. I also think that it is scandalous that the Democrat Speaker Pelosi declared that “You have to vote on it to find out what’s in it.” Every single representative, Democrat and Republican, should have taken umbrage at such insanity. Who in their right mind would ever sign a contract, agree to a treaty, or vote for a law that they have never even read?

@Ditto:

“Without the mandate, the funding side of Obamacare falls apart.”

Well then, we’ll just have to raise taxes on the rich then, won’t we? /sarc

@openid.aol.com/runnswim:

There is nothing to stop Congress from bringing back the draft and making the term of service 20 years…

Except the 13th Amendment, of course.

@openid.aol.com/runnswim: You said:

It’s really just semantics. It’s got nothing to do with the government forcing anyone to buy anything. You could make the same argument about electric cars. If you buy an electric car, you get a tax credit. If you don’t buy an electric car, you don’t get the credit.

No, the penalty for not purchasing health care and the tax credit for an electric automobile are not the same and you know it.

The Commerce Clause was put in to allow Congress to regulate commerce, not create it.

@openid.aol.com/runnswim: I wanted to give extreme examples just to illustrate the point of how extreme this could get by giving Congress and the President unchecked powers. If SCOTUS upholds the law when it’s quite evident the individual mandate is unconstitutional, then our system of checks and balances will have failed. We will have a situation where one party in control of our legislative and executive branches of government can pass whatever type of law they want and have it rubber stamped by a judicial branch who think its their job is to change the Constitution through court rulings instead of amendments which is the way it’s supposed to be done. For me this case has implications that far exceed the healthcare issue. Perhaps you’re not as suspicious or un-trusting of our pols as I am.

To the Gang of Three (20,21,22) and John Galt:

Firstly the 13th Amendment has been found explicitly in court decisions not to apply to the military draft. Thus my example of hypothetically allowing for extended periods of forced military service was correct.

With regard to the Constitutional authority of Congress to give citizens the choice between purchasing health insurance or paying a fine (which is — effectively — the exact same thing as levying a tax and then providing a tax credit to encourage certain behavior), this goes to the arguments of Judge Marcus (#8) and legal precedent (stare decisis). It’s really an argument about strict versus loose constructionism. It’s an argument that the founding fathers had among themselves.

During Washington’s Presidency, there was a dispute between strict constructionists Madison and Jefferson and loose constructionist Hamilton (Hamilton having been the most prolific contributor to the Federalist Papers). Washington asked Madison and Jefferson to write legal briefs defending strict constructionism. He then asked Hamilton to critique those briefs. The Father of our Country then sided with Hamilton.

The following is an excerpt of the best, concise explanation of this absolutely pivotal event in Constitutional jurisprudence.

Jefferson next considered the two general phrases of Article I, along with the “general welfare” and “necessary and proper” clauses. Continuing his literal, strict interpretation of the constitution, Jefferson interpreted the power to “lay…taxes…to…provide for the…general Welfare” to mean, to lay taxes for the purpose of providing for the general welfare. According to Jefferson, this clause was a statement of purpose, not a general grant of independent powers allowing Congress to pass any act it pleased. If interpreted in this manner, as the bank bill was, the clause reduced the Constitution to a single phrase.

Two grounds served as the foundation of Jefferson’s attack against the broad construction of these clauses. First, a loose interpretation ran afoul of the established rules of basic grammar. Where a phrase bore two meanings, “that which will allow some meaning to the other parts of the instrument, and not that which would render all the others useless” should be used. Second, and most importantly, a loose interpretation is contradictory to the intent of the Constitution as is evidenced by the document’s text and the circumstances of its framing. It was obvious, he stated, that no universal power was intended for Congress; quite the contrary, the Constitution “was intended to lace them [Congress] up straitly [sic] within the enumerated powers, and those without which, as means, these powers could not be carried into effect.” To strengthen his argument, Jefferson reminded Washington that the power of incorporation was in fact rejected by the Philadelphia Convention.

Turning his attention to the much-discussed “necessary and proper” clause, Jefferson argued that all the “foregoing powers” in which this clause was intended did not require a bank. A bank was not, therefore, necessary and consequently was not authorized by the phrase. After announcing his understanding of the clause, Jefferson moved to the actual meaning of the word necessary, which he contrasted with the word convenient. Jefferson acknowledged the convenience of establishing a bank, but a bank was still unnecessary. To give the same meaning to the words “necessary” and “convenient” would create a degree of construction that would be applied to non-enumerated powers, because “there is no one…ingenuity [that] may not torture into a convenience, in some way or other.” The Constitution fundamentally restrained Congress to those necessary means “without which the grant of power would be nugatory.”

In summation, Jefferson urged President Washington to wield his “shield provided by Constitution,” the veto. Vetoing the bill was the only protection against the “error, ambition, or interest” found in a loose interpretation of the “necessary and proper” clause. In a strange finale, Jefferson advised the President that if he were uncertain whether to approve or veto the measure then “respect for the wisdom of the legislature would naturally decide the balance in favor of their opinion.” Thus, this “generally dogmatic paper ended on an undogmatic note.”
After reviewing both Randolph and Jefferson’s opinions, Washington dispatched them to Hamilton. While awaiting Hamilton’s report, the President once again called on Madison. Instead of discussions that focused on the constitutionality of the bank, Washington had a different request: a veto message in case he decided to exercise that power. Soon after receiving Madison’s veto draft, Washington received Hamilton’s “Opinion on the Constitutionality of an Act to Establish a Bank.”

Demonstrating what Jefferson biographer Dumas Malone called an “extraordinary skillful defense of his own position,” which resulted in a “masterpiece of exposition,” Hamilton’s opinion was based upon the fundamental belief that “every power vested in a government is in its nature sovereign.” This sovereignty includes “… a right to employ all the means requisite and fairly applicable to the attainment of the ends of such power,” as long as those powers are not constitutionally restricted, immoral, or contrary to the needs of political society. From this position, the power to create corporations becomes an incident of sovereign power. Thus, the criteria determining the constitutionality of a power not specified was whether the end justified the means. Continuing on this point, Hamilton stated that if the end is clearly comprehended within any of the specified powers, and an obvious relationship to the end exist then it falls within the parameters of national authority. When applying this ideology to the Bank Bill, Hamilton found a natural correlation to the powers of collecting taxes and the regulation of national commerce. To believe otherwise was “ill-founded” logic.

Hamilton proceeded to attack Jefferson’s “erroneous” argument of the meaning of the word “convenient.” “Necessary,” Hamilton argued, means nothing more than “needful, requisite, incidental, useful, or conducive to,” because no government possessed the right to enact any law it desired. To understand the meaning Jefferson attached it would give the same force as if the word “absolutely” or “indispensably” were prefixed to it. Hamilton accurately noted that few governmental measures would withstand such a test. Such a litmus test of the “necessary and proper” clause would force its application only in cases of extreme necessity. Hamilton proceeded to cite a number of instances where legislation, though clearly outside the enumerated powers, was enacted. The Congressional acts establishing lighthouses, beacons, buoys, public piers and allowing presidential removal of appointees, though deemed necessary, would have been rejected if Jefferson’s definition were applied.

Responding to Jefferson’s citation of the Tenth Amendment, Hamilton admitted that the federal government possessed only those powers delegated to it, but he proceeded to identify other areas of power delegated to the federal government. In addition to the enumerated powers of Article I, there existed “implied powers,” the power used to carry out specified powers such as the establishment of a bank. Also existing were “resulting powers,” that were the product of “the whole mass of the powers of the government, and from the nature of political society” which were exemplified by the ability to possess sovereignty over conquered territory.

Summarizing his overall propositions, Hamilton reiterated how the incorporation of a bank was necessary for the execution of the powers of taxation, borrowing money, trade regulation, providing for the common defense, and regulation of governmental property. Thus, having picked Randolph’s “logic apart point by point, as if plucking a chicken” and demonstrating how Jefferson’s argument was nothing more than a “mixture of bad law, nonlaw, and irrelevant law” Hamilton concluded his opinion.

With all debates and written opinions concluded, the decision rested upon the shoulders of President Washington. Taking all the time allotted him by the Constitution (ten days, save Sunday), Washington carefully weighed all options. Not firmly convinced by the argument offered by the Secretary of the Treasury, but believing a strict construction of the Constitution would cripple the government, Washington signed the act establishing the Bank of the United States on February 25, 1791. Thus Washington made “the most important decision on domestic policy” of his presidency.

Reflecting over a year later on the entire incorporation episode, Hamilton noted how “a mighty stand was made on the affair of the bank. There was much commitment in that case. I prevailed.”

– Larry Weisenthal/Huntington Beach, CA

@openid.aol.com/runnswim:

There is a problem with the use of that example and in trying to relate it to Obamacare, Larry.

In the example above, of whether or not to empower, or create, a central bank, the whole argument evolved from a given, enumerated power, of the the federal government.

Article I, Section 8;

To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;

The argument you cite wasn’t whether the federal government had the power to do what they wished to task a central bank with doing, but rather, about whether or not the creation of a central bank was an allowable power to accomplish those things.

Obamacare is quite different, Larry. The argument isn’t about whether or not a power is available to accomplish an enumerated power, but rather, if that enumerated power even exists for them to apply the “necessary and proper” clause to.

Now, you apply a label to me of being a “Madison” constitutional thinker, while you fancy yourself a “Hamilton” supporter. However, in the case above, one cannot argue that Madison was on the opposing side of Hamilton, considering Madison was merely tasked with the development of a veto opinion by Washington.

Concerning Madison, and the Federalist Papers, he wrote, in no. 41, of the argument against using the “general welfare” phrase found in Article I, Section 8, Line 1;

and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States,” amounts to an unlimited commission to exercise every power which may be alleged to be necessary for the common defense or general welfare. No stronger proof could be given of the distress under which these writers labor for objections, than their stooping to such a misconstruction.

Had no other enumeration or definition of the powers of the Congress been found in the Constitution, than the general expressions just cited, the authors of the objection might have had some color for it; though it would have been difficult to find a reason for so awkward a form of describing an authority to legislate in all possible cases. A power to destroy the freedom of the press, the trial by jury, or even to regulate the course of descents, or the forms of conveyances, must be very singularly expressed by the terms “to raise money for the general welfare.

“But what color can the objection have, when a specification of the objects alluded to by these general terms immediately follows, and is not even separated by a longer pause than a semicolon? If the different parts of the same instrument ought to be so expounded, as to give meaning to every part which will bear it, shall one part of the same sentence be excluded altogether from a share in the meaning; and shall the more doubtful and indefinite terms be retained in their full extent, and the clear and precise expressions be denied any signification whatsoever? For what purpose could the enumeration of particular powers be inserted, if these and all others were meant to be included in the preceding general power? Nothing is more natural nor common than first to use a general phrase, and then to explain and qualify it by a recital of particulars. But the idea of an enumeration of particulars which neither explain nor qualify the general meaning, and can have no other effect than to confound and mislead, is an absurdity, which, as we are reduced to the dilemma of charging either on the authors of the objection or on the authors of the Constitution, we must take the liberty of supposing, had not its origin with the latter.

In short, Madison argues that the “general welfare” phrase is merely an allusion to the list of specific, enumerated powers, that follows Line 1. Even Hamilton did not argue against that idea.

And, concerning the use of the “commerce” clause, Madison writes in Federalist Paper no. 42;

The powers included in the THIRD class are those which provide for the harmony and proper intercourse among the States.

Under this head might be included the particular restraints imposed on the authority of the States, and certain powers of the judicial department; but the former are reserved for a distinct class, and the latter will be particularly examined when we arrive at the structure and organization of the government. I shall confine myself to a cursory review of the remaining powers comprehended under this third description, to wit: to regulate commerce among the several States and the Indian tribes; to coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin; to provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the current coin and secureties of the United States; to fix the standard of weights and measures; to establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws of bankruptcy, to prescribe the manner in which the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of each State shall be proved, and the effect they shall have in other States; and to establish post offices and post roads.

The defect of power in the existing Confederacy to regulate the commerce between its several members, is in the number of those which have been clearly pointed out by experience. To the proofs and remarks which former papers have brought into view on this subject, it may be added that without this supplemental provision, the great and essential power of regulating foreign commerce would have been incomplete and ineffectual. A very material object of this power was the relief of the States which import and export through other States, from the improper contributions levied on them by the latter. Were these at liberty to regulate the trade between State and State, it must be foreseen that ways would be found out to load the articles of import and export, during the passage through their jurisdiction, with duties which would fall on the makers of the latter and the consumers of the former. We may be assured by past experience, that such a practice would be introduced by future contrivances; and both by that and a common knowledge of human affairs, that it would nourish unceasing animosities, and not improbably terminate in serious interruptions of the public tranquillity. To those who do not view the question through the medium of passion or of interest, the desire of the commercial States to collect, in any form, an indirect revenue from their uncommercial neighbors, must appear not less impolitic than it is unfair; since it would stimulate the injured party, by resentment as well as interest, to resort to less convenient channels for their foreign trade.

In short, the “commerce” clause was intended only as an instrument to deny the States from imposing unfair duties, taxes, and levies against the commercial interests of the other States. It was never intended as an instrument of regulation by the federal government over any product, from “cradle to grave”. The federal government has continued to overstep it’s bounds concerning this clause. As well, no argument of “it’s been done before so it should be allowed” is reconcilable against the original intent of any clause, phrase, section, etc. found within the Constitution.

Larry, you have taken an example of a worthwhile argument, the central bank, and wrongly applied the argument for it to that of the “individual mandate” found within Obamacare. And, on top of that, you wish to claim that the government has the power to compel citizens to engage in commerce that they otherwise might not engage in. That argument, while not only being in opposition to what is found within the Constitution, and the original intent as spelled out within the Federalist Papers, but would lead to many consequences, both foreseen and unforeseen, of essentially giving the federal government tyrannical powers. For example, what would limit the government from requiring then, that each taxpayer be forced to purchase a domestic-originated automobile every 5 years or so, as a way of increasing the “competition” of a domestic product against imports? Or, what would limit government from requiring that all homeowners purchase a solar power array, of a power output minimum mandated by the government, as a way of regulating the commerce of the power industry?

There are many more examples one could think of, essentially limited only by the imagination and those products people choose to purchase, or not to purchase. The can of worms that would be opened up are virtually limitless, but would lead to the very type of tyrannical government the founders had no intention of giving us.

Without meaning to be Larry, you are being a tyranny supporter. You are allowing your need to feel good about yourself through your pseudo-compassion to ignore all reason and eventually allow a dictatorship to arise.

@John Cooper

Well then, we’ll just have to raise taxes on the rich then, won’t we?

I don’t think Rich Wheeler has that much money.

@Larry

Thus, the criteria determining the constitutionality of a power not specified was whether the end justified the means.

I call b*llsh*t on that fabrication by Aaron Nathaniel Coleman, as such an interpretation makes a Supreme Court unable to rule on the constitutionality of laws passed by the Congress and signed by the President. The purpose of the SCOTUS is not to enforce state observance of the eminent power of a tyranny, but to determine the Constitutionality legality of laws and legal actions by governments State AND Federal.

Putting forth a college student’s paper does not impress me of your arguments. Nor do college papers have any legal bearing or importance in the courts. It is not rare for “educated” college students to write papers with some conclusions that are just plain wrong. Aaron Nathaniel Coleman cites only enough cherry picked portions of Madison, Jefferson and Hamilton (especially very brief segments of Hamilton’s writings,) to attempt to support his argument.

Cumberland College is a Kentucky liberal arts university. The Upsilonian is a fraternity operated student mouthpiece publication. The student staff decides what goes in their publications, and I doubt seriously that they are experienced enough editors to review student opinion papers for factual accuracy or properly reasoned arguments.

Nice try Larry

@John (#24):

It’s obvious that Madison agrees with you. Madison wrote a lot of the Federalist Papers. So, of course, when you quote Madison’s Federalist Papers writings, they will support your view. But Madison himself wrote that the Federalist Papers were not the blueprint for US government and that the Constitution was the final word. As I noted, Hamilton contributed equally or more than Madison to the Federalist papers. Hamilton agrees with me.

In the singular debate over the National Bank, conservatives don’t like the way it turned out, so they try to narrow its scope to that of the issue of the National Bank, itself, and argue that Washington’s decision should not be generalized. But it is 100% clear that the parties involved (Madison, Jefferson, Hamilton, and Washington) were not arguing and considering issues narrowly limited to the National Bank, but were, rather, arguing and considering the general issue of strict versus loose interpretation of the Constitution. I urge you to read the entire text of my link, from a scholarly essay entitled:

Madison and Jefferson’s Strict Construction Versus Hamilton’s Implied Powers: A Study of Constitutional Interpretation

It’s a short essay, which encapsulates the very essence of of a dispute continuing to this very day.

The arguments given by Madison, Jefferson, and Hamilton, and considered (and decided) by Washington, were not simply the narrow issue of the National Bank. In fact, all the arguments you (John) gave in defense of the National Bank were not the central arguments made by Madison, Jefferson, and Hamilton and considered and decided by Washington. The arguments and the decision were broadly based, going to the central issue of strict versus loose (or “implied”) constructionism.

You (John) have consistently represented your own personal views as if they were clearly correct and opposing views are clearly wrong. Were that the case, there wouldn’t have been any dispute, going all the way back to George Washington and continuing right up to the present. But it’s a dispute which was always present and always will be present. The whole reason for the importance of legal precedent (stare decisis) is that, in the absence of precedent. there will be wild swings in Constitutional jurisprudence. One court will swing to the extreme end of Madisonianism and the next court will swing to an extreme Hamiltonian point of view, with unsettling effect on American law.

Over a long period of time (two centuries) there has been a gradual shift to the Hamiltonian point of view, in the way that the powers of both Congress and the President have been expanded. We have evolved to a very centralized government. I, personally, am very troubled by the Imperial Presidency, which has strong recent Republican support. I am much less troubled by actions of Congress, as Congress has a lot more in the way of checks and balances and much less power to rule by decree than the Presidency.

You concluded:

And, on top of that, you wish to claim that the government has the power to compel citizens to engage in commerce that they otherwise might not engage in. That argument, while not only being in opposition to what is found within the Constitution, and the original intent as spelled out within the Federalist Papers, but would lead to many consequences, both foreseen and unforeseen, of essentially giving the federal government tyrannical powers. For example, what would limit the government from requiring then, that each taxpayer be forced to purchase a domestic-originated automobile every 5 years or so, as a way of increasing the “competition” of a domestic product against imports? Or, what would limit government from requiring that all homeowners purchase a solar power array, of a power output minimum mandated by the government, as a way of regulating the commerce of the power industry?

My response:

It’s a false analogy. Medicaid currently costs the Federal government $275 billion per year. A hefty portion of this is health care for the uninsured. The individual mandate is a Republican idea, founded on conservative principles. Require people to take personal responsibility and not be a drain on society. Republicans were behind this idea, when they could use it as a weapon against a Democratic alternative. Now, Republicans are opposed to their own idea, because it was co-opted by the Democrats. It’s a political issue, but the Republicans now claim to be against something which they once favored, and cloak their current, self-contradictory arguments in Constitutional principles not raised, back in the day when the individual mandate was the conservative idea.

For a brilliant, conservative defense of the individual mandate, I can’t come up with a better reference than a brilliant treatise by Robert Moffit (of the Heritage Foundation), circa 1994 (back when the individual mandate was the sensible conservative alternative to “socialistic” HillaryCare).

How core values do change, with the shifting of political winds.

Brings to mind a famous quote: “He was for it, before he was against it.”

– Larry Weisenthal/Huntington Beach, CA

@Ditto: You are using the “you quoted Wikipedia” argument. I quoted the paper in question because it offered a very nice, clear, short summary of the central issues. Rather than pointing to factual inaccuracies or logical errors or offering a contradicting reference, you simply say, oh, that’s just from a college paper.

I’m at work right now. I’ll try to dig for a reference which meets your editorial standards, in the future, when I have time. It’s an issue which isn’t going away, any time soon.

P.S. Here’s the very first thing which popped up on Google. It’s not from Stanford, but it’s a start. I’m sure I’ll have no problem at all backing up the assertions in the comment which you rejected, solely on the grounds of whom I quoted.

http://www.shmoop.com/legislative-branch/strict-constructionism-broad-constructionism.html

– Larry Weisenthal/Huntington Beach, CA

@openid.aol.com/runnswim: A couple of good books you may enjoy or for that matter anyone else interested in a similar situation in our history that pitted two interpretations of the Constitution against each other: “The Great Triumvirate”, by Merrill D. Peterson and “The Union at Risk”, by Richard E. Ellis. The first encompasses a greater period of time in our history focusing on Clay, Calhoun, and Webster and eventually gets around to Andrew Jackson and the Nullification Crisis of 1832. The second deals more specifically with Jackson and the Nullification Crisis which is probably more applicable to what we are debating about. There are parallels. Both historians deal in facts and they don’t try to persuade the reader that one side was right and the other was wrong. If I had to pick one to recommend it would be Ellis.

@Another Vet (#30): Thanks! I’ll look for Ellis and download it to my iPad, if it’s not too expensive. – LW/HB

@openid.aol.com/runnswim:

To the Gang of Three (20,21,22) and John Galt:

Firstly the 13th Amendment has been found explicitly in court decisions not to apply to the military draft. Thus my example of hypothetically allowing for extended periods of forced military service was correct.

First of all, I don’t even know johngalt, anticsrocks, or another vet, so to call us a “gang” tells us more about the way you think about others than the three of us.

Secondly, I was wondering if you ran your medical practice according to liberal court decisions rather than your understanding of the English language and the judgment of your own mind. What do the words “involuntary” and “servitude” mean in your world? Also, if you have the time, tell us what color your sky is, too.

@John Cooper. The “gang” reference was a shout out/tribute to “the gang of six.” No disrespect intended. Truly.

With regard to involuntary servitude, the 13th Amendment, and the military draft, here’s a quote from wikipedia:

In Selective Draft Law Cases, 245 U.S. 366 (1918), the Supreme Court ruled that the military draft was not “involuntary servitude”.

No, I didn’t go looking for a treatise from the Stanford Law Review. Feel free to bash me, if you must, for quoting Wikipedia, as an alternative to actually arguing that Wiki got it wrong by quoting a contradictory source.

I don’t understand your comment about my medical practice. I don’t run my practice on the basis of liberal court decisions or conservative court decisions, but on the basis of objective evidence from the medical literature and my own, personal experience. Court decisions enter into my practice only with respect to the laws which all citizens are compelled to observe.

Sky in Huntington Beach is currently clear blue, as of 14:50 GMT -7, as it usually is, this time of day. Some wispy low clouds.

– Larry Weisenthal/Huntington Beach CA

@openid.aol.com/runnswim: You said:

With regard to the Constitutional authority of Congress to give citizens the choice between purchasing health insurance or paying a fine (which is — effectively — the exact same thing as levying a tax and then providing a tax credit to encourage certain behavior)…

No it is not. A tax credit is an incentive to partake in an action. The fine is for NOT purchasing health care, or in other words NOT partaking in an action.

Opposite ends of the spectrum, but nice liberal try there, Larry. This is really an easy concept to grasp, so I am surprised you are having trouble with this. Unless of course, you are being intellectually dishonest.

@antics:

There’s no ultimate difference at all between raising everyone’s taxes to pay for health care for the uninsured and then giving a tax credit to people who buy insurance for themselves (and are therefore not uninsured) versus giving people a choice — buy health insurance or pay a tax. The only difference between a “fine” paid to the government and a tax is a semantic difference. There’s ample precedent: e.g. during the Civil War, draft eligible citizens were given the choice between joining the army or paying a $300 fine.

I was simply addressing the (frankly hysterical) charge that the individual mandate was somehow a slippery slope to totalitarianism. I know that you guys won’t accept my arguments, but why not read what the Heritage Foundation said about the individual mandate, circa 1994, when the mandate was the great conservative alternative to HillaryCare.

– Larry Weisenthal/Huntington Beach, CA

@openid.aol.com/runnswim: Larry, now I know you are just being intellectually dishonest and I have lost a lot of respect for you on this.

There is no way that you can equate a tax break incentive to a penalty and still be honest about said comparison.

And as for the Heritage Foundation and the individual mandate argument, quit beating that dead horse, would you? That has been discussed and dismissed ad nausea here on FA. Just because it was an idea that was discussed by the HF at one time, does not mean it is a position they still defend.

JFK believed in bombing the Berlin Wall at one time, does that mean it was the platform of the entire Democratic Party? No.

You said:

I was simply addressing the (frankly hysterical) charge that the individual mandate was somehow a slippery slope to totalitarianism.

So you have no problem giving your government the power to tell you what product you have to purchase? Tell me Larry, what is the limit on that power? Where does it stop? What products are “on the table,” and which ones are not? Once you give up that freedom to choose what you want and do not want to purchase, you are giving up an awful large chunk of personal liberty.

If you let the government tell you what insurance to purchase, then since they are looking out for your well being, why can they not tell you which foods to buy? Which drinks to buy? I mean after all, keeping the citizenry healthy is going to be cheaper on the government once they start dispensing health care.

It looks as if you want to be “right” about this and in order to do so you are dismissing logic.

Shame on you.

@openid.aol.com/runnswim:

It’s obvious that Madison agrees with you.

Sorry, Larry, but my own humbleness concerning my intellect does not allow me to agree with that statement. On the contrary, I agree with Madison. I also agree with much of what Hamilton himself has written.

But Madison himself wrote that the Federalist Papers were not the blueprint for US government and that the Constitution was the final word.

And I never attributed to the Federalist Papers a standing higher than the Constitution, Larry. However, in order to understand the Constitution there is no better place to go than for the positive arguments in favor of it, especially as one of the principal authors of the Constitution is also one of the principal authors of the Federalist Papers.

And still, you attempt to misrepresent my assertions, Larry. I have given the point from Madison himself, regarding the “general welfare” phrase within the first line of Article I, Section 8. From an originalist’s point of view, that is the point of origin. And in that, he very clearly states that the first line is nothing more than the introductory sentence leading into the enumerated powers of Congress. That being the case, nothing within that first line is in any way meant to extend any power to Congress.

But, you still wish to argue as if that doesn’t matter. And, what’s more, despite your assertion being that the argument over the formation of a “National Bank” is a much broader argument over implied powers as given to Congress in the “necessary and proper” clause, that the “necessary and proper” clause is specifically linked to the enumerated powers listed under Article I, Section 8. You might be surprised to find that I agree that certain unenumerated powers that Congress has are entirely within the bounds of the Constitution. However, linking a power derived under the “necessary and proper” clause to a “power” that was never meant to be, is unConstitutional.

But it’s a dispute which was always present and always will be present.

If you are talking about the “implied” powers that Hamilton suggests, then you are correct, and I have never argued to the contrary. What I have argued is that those “implied” powers, as suggested coming from the “necessary and proper” clause, are only Constitutional if they are derived from a specific, enumerated power under Article I, Section 8. I have also argued that the “general welfare” phrase is not an enumeration of a power. I have also argued that the “commerce clause” has been misapplied for over a hundred years starting with the advent of progressive politics.

It’s a false analogy.

No, it’s an entirely fair analogy. It relates to the idea from Obamacare that Congress has the power to force, or compel, citizens to engage in commerce. It’s because you dispute my assertion that Congress does not have that power under the Constitution that you believe it’s false.

The individual mandate is a Republican idea, founded on conservative principles.

I don’t care which party’s idea it is, Larry, and I’ve stated to you before that I’d like to believe that I would be just as against the idea if it was, say, GOPcare instead of Obamacare. It’s the principle of the thing, Larry, and whoever came up with the idea is irrelevant. As well, I dispute the assertion that the idea for the individual mandate was founded upon conservative principles. Not all GOP pols are conservative, Larry. That is merely your assertion.

I, personally, am very troubled by the Imperial Presidency, which has strong recent Republican support.

Your memory must have very selective editing for you to discount the actions of Clinton separate from and in contrast to Congressional intent and Constitutional limitations on Executive powers.

Now, even after reading your link to the “conservative” argument for the individual mandate, I still disagree with it, and consider it a violation of Constitutional principles. I find it an express violation of my personal freedom to choose in what ways and industry that I will engage in commerce. To force, or compel, a person to engage in commerce, regardless of whether they do so now or not negates individual freedom concerning their own health.

It is very clear that you support a far reaching, limitless power that Congress can tap into at any time. My guess is that if that power is tapped into by the Republicans, in opposition to what you may favor for an issue to be addressed, that you would be crying foul.

This isn’t an issue of democrat vs. republican, Larry. This is an issue of Constitutional conservatism favoring original intent over the ever expanding powers that progressives wish to attribute to Congress and the government.

@johngalt: You said:

This is an issue of Constitutional conservatism favoring original intent over the ever expanding powers that progressives wish to attribute to Congress and the government.

Well said, sir!

@openid.aol.com/runnswim: Judge Hull, a Democrat wrote this about Obamacare and specifically the individual mandate which you favor so heartily, Larry:

“This economic mandate represents a wholly novel and potentially unbounded assertion of Congressional authority : the ability to compel Americans to purchase an expensive health insurance product they have elected not to buy and to make them re-purchase that insurance product every month for their entire lives.”

So johngalt is correct when he says this isn’t a Democrat vs. Republican thing.

Pretty good (and civil I might add) debate.
I declare another vet the winner because of this:

If SCOTUS rules this to be Constitutional, it will grant Congress and the President the power to make us do whatever they want and essentially render the Constitution null and void. I think Curt was the one who summed it up in a nutshell, if the Commerce Clause was intended to give the pols in DC the right to do whatever they want, there was no purpose in writing the rest of the Constitution.

From Larry:

Congress has very broad powers to compel citizens to do lots of things. Congress has the power to reinstitute the military draft, for example. There is nothing to stop Congress from bringing back the draft and making the term of service 20 years, rather than the previously customary 2 years. Congress could mandate that all motor vehicles sold in the USA must get 100 miles per gallon or must run on 100% ethanol or must have emergency parachutes, to deploy in the event of catastrophic brake failure. Congress could take away my house tomorrow, declaring eminent domain, and use my land for a marble monument to President George W Bush. All of this is perfectly Constitutional.

Yep, and these things would be overturned by the next congress if the people did not approve. The last poll I saw was in June, and around 57% of Americans want Obamacare repealed. As more of the plan is revealed, more people dislike it.
Plus, it seems Joe Wilson was right when he said Obama lied:

The Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) announced on Tuesday that it has awarded $28.8 million to 67 community health centers with funds from the Obamacare health reform law. But as part of that sum, CNS reports that ”approximately $8.5 million will be used by 25 New Access Point awardees to target services to migrant and seasonal farm workers,” and an HHS official said:
“grant recipients will not check the immigration status of people seeking services. ‘Health centers do not, as a matter of routine practice, ask about or collect data on citizenship or other matters not related to the treatment needs of the patients seeking health services at the center,’ Further, the grant recipients are ‘required to serve all residents’ who walk through their doors”
http://www.cnsnews.com/news/article/hhs-awards-85-million-obamacare-money-25

And of course, every democrat donor in the nation is getting a waiver. The plan is so good, people can’t wait to get out of it. And of course if all these waivers are eventually going to bring about an equal protection arguement.

@Aqua: That’s the first time I’ve won anything in awhile. However, I will give the winnings to Curt since he was the one who first made the comment in reference to the last Appeal’s Court ruling when they said it was Constitutional. Unlike BHO, I don’t want to accept credit for other people’s work. Much obliged however.